Good A Constitution irrelevant
What makes a good government to assess, beyond the personal preferences of each? It can review a series of traditional topics in politics and various disciplines related to the topic: conservation of the unity of the body politic, creating conditions for development, or freedom, more particularly economic development, providing infrastructure, promotion of culture, etc. However, none of them can explain why in some cases, even governments succeed in one or more of these areas are qualified as "bad." The issue does not pass through strong leadership, as has been suggested frequently in the Chile of the past decade, and for clarity in a "national project." The issue is much more simple: whatever the model offered by the manufacturer, the product expected from the power plant is only one government: legitimacy. A government that fails to produce legitimacy for its actions and in their proposals, in their efforts, is good government. It does not matter what they are or that, if you can attach them so the values \u200b\u200band attitudes prevailing in the various groups and roles of the population to gain acceptance that leads to this product.
Obviously, this is a sophisticated, because the forms and conditions for obtaining it are not uniform across society. In some cases, no matter how well things have been done if the result is bad, but in others the same result happens to second place in consideration of the procedures used.
The reason for this reflection is my perception that the government lacks the basic notion of what the product should offer a political society, or, in other words, it does not repair in the claims of legitimacy to govern when . And this is how you can nominate a presidential advisory council on ethical wage involving representatives of various sectors relevant number, with only except for those ... Concerned with the problem! In light of this event I managed to view So far the current presidency and found that, indeed, the production of legitimacy has been poor. Here it is immaterial that has faced more or less conflict: they can be opportunities for many solutions that involve acceptance by society at different levels that goes into every one of them. However, these opportunities have not been used. The proposal for a salary by the Bishop ethical Goic generated, except in a senator who knew much about economics, at the expense of a clear lack of political sense in his actions - an acceptable product for a society that, except for the small fraction of those who enjoy it, this harried, not clearly stated, an obscene inequality in income distribution. The government takes this proposal and decided to spray this good product within an advisory board, without having learned the lesson of his namesake in education.
Friday, August 24, 2007
Tuesday, July 31, 2007
Do You Always Get Turned Down For Dla First Time
government
occasion of the constitutional reforms of 2005, I argued that our constitution had evolved into a letter of minor, almost trivial (in "Constitutional Reform" Francisco Zuniga, Coordinator, LexisNexis, Santiago, 2005, pp. 67 -79). Today, my dear and more disciplined friend Manuel Nuñez, a professor of constitutional law at the Universidad Catolica del Norte, I get news of the publication in the official journal of constitutional law No. 20,193 Establishing Special Territories Easter Island and Juan Fernández Archipelago. And not in vain, says "the party is ...". What constitutional issue came to address this reform? What the public knew, even concerned, about this project? And more importantly what the constitutional meaning of the reform? Was it necessary to establish a special constitutional provision to admit that at the organic level, as otherwise the LOC itself says Bases General State Administration, exceptions can be made to the organization of decentralized local authorities? And what does this from the point of view of its inclusion in the regions? What are the "respective organic laws"?.
opens the era of special territorial estautos. It gives the idea that the government would not release the constitutional world of experience that at least had the smack that the Transantiago chambonas .... or the Constitution, in truth, no one cares.
occasion of the constitutional reforms of 2005, I argued that our constitution had evolved into a letter of minor, almost trivial (in "Constitutional Reform" Francisco Zuniga, Coordinator, LexisNexis, Santiago, 2005, pp. 67 -79). Today, my dear and more disciplined friend Manuel Nuñez, a professor of constitutional law at the Universidad Catolica del Norte, I get news of the publication in the official journal of constitutional law No. 20,193 Establishing Special Territories Easter Island and Juan Fernández Archipelago. And not in vain, says "the party is ...". What constitutional issue came to address this reform? What the public knew, even concerned, about this project? And more importantly what the constitutional meaning of the reform? Was it necessary to establish a special constitutional provision to admit that at the organic level, as otherwise the LOC itself says Bases General State Administration, exceptions can be made to the organization of decentralized local authorities? And what does this from the point of view of its inclusion in the regions? What are the "respective organic laws"?.
opens the era of special territorial estautos. It gives the idea that the government would not release the constitutional world of experience that at least had the smack that the Transantiago chambonas .... or the Constitution, in truth, no one cares.
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